HTML last revised 24th December, 2003.This paper is really an exploratory one. It is the contention of the author that regional analyses of the rebellions/uprisings of the 1930s have tended to lump them together, thus concealing the nature of their differences and obscuring the depth of analysis.1 Although the conditions prevailing among the colonies were quite similar, there were differences that helped to shape the political economy. This in turn would have influenced the content and nature of the disturbances. In fact, some of the disturbances were nothing more than strikes, but throughout the region they had certain common features, with some aspects more pronounced in one country than the other based on a number of different factors. It is doubtful that St Vincent exhibited any of those features despite the fact that many of the prevailing social, economic and political factors were present. The paper points to some of the main features of the St Vincent rebellion and proposes possible reasons why they manifested themselves differently.
In most of the countries that were identified with rebellions in the 1930s the following features predominated. Efforts had been made to organize and mobilize workers, in some cases with incipient or quasi-unions or with other organizations catering to the needs of workers. These were more pronounced in Jamaica, Trinidad and Guyana where for some time workers had been exposed to some degree of organization and consciousness building. But the other islands had similar organizations, the Barbados Workingmen's Association, the St Kitts Workers League, the Labourers and Unemployed Association of Belize, and the Antigua Workingmen's Association. Despite some working class agitation in St Lucia there were no working peoples organizations. In any event, St Lucia like Antigua and the Bahamas were not subjected to any major forms of disturbances. In St Lucia, with the experience of St Vincent behind him, Governor Selwyn Grier moved quickly to prevent any unrest there turning into riots. The H.M.S. Challenger that was asked to assist in St Vincent, arrived in St Lucia on November 3, prior to the strike of November 4.2 Although the riots were more influenced by the economic conditions of the 1930s than by the mobilization of workers, it is nevertheless true that the organization of the working peoples and their mobilization would have influenced their responses to the economic crisis.
Strikes were also central to the disturbances. In fact many of the disturbances began with strikes that often turned into riots because of the reactions of the planters and police who were normally called to the assistance of the planters. In a number of cases, strikes followed the disturbances. These strikes were mainly on the plantations, and at the docks and in the case of the Bahamas at the salt-pans. Nigel Bolland describes the pattern that manifested itself throughout the region, "We see a frequent pattern in these rebellions, a local and quite specific labour dispute, having to do with rates of pay or methods of payment or an abusive overseer, or not enough work to go around, become a soure of confrontation with management who promptly sought the backing of the police."3
Because of the predominance of sugar as an export crop the literature is preoccupied with conditions on the sugar plantations, and the economic structure of the societies, particularly so because of the centrality of strikes in the disturbances. In the case of St Vincent where strikes were absent or at least insignificant and sugar and plantations were not as dominant as in most other countries, the analysis needs to be expanded to incorporate the dynamics impacting on the economic scene. References are made to the loading of coal in St Lucia, to banana production in Jamaica and the strike at the salt pans in the Bahamas. There is little reference to the fact that the two major crops in St Vincent, arrowroot and Sea Island cotton were crops with which the peasants were heavily involved, and by extension were significant players in the export economy.
It has to be noted that the 1935 riots in St Vincent still awaits a thorough examination. The contention of this paper is that such an examination and an identification of the forces that gave a different shape to this country's political economy are needed in order to explain why the disturbances manifested themselves the way they did in St Vincent.
The Legislative Council met on October 18 when two bills were introduced as revenue raising measures. They were the Licences Amendment Ordinance 1935 and the Customs Duties Amendment No.4, Ordinance 1935. The Governor Sir Selwyn Grier who was based in Grenada and journeyed to St Vincent for the meeting of the Legislative Council took full responsibility for the measures, as if anticipating the reaction that was likely to come. St Vincent, he felt, needed to put its financial house in order, "so as to be able to budget for necessary developments and to build up the rapidly shrinking Reserve funds for the colony." It was, he stated, "the duty of the Government to face the situation fairly and to place the colony's finances in reasonably sounder order."4
The case was made for the revenue raising measures. The Governor emphasized the fact that vital improvements could not have been carried out for lack of funds. The measures involved the adoption of higher rates of import duties on a strictly limited number of articles. Again, as if anticipating reaction from the poorer classes, the Governor went on to state, "the articles selected to bear the increased duties were among those which can be classified as luxurious. They are beer and ale, spirits, tobacco, cigarettes and matches. Particular care has been taken to avoid increases which will affect the poor, for example, no addition has been made to the duty on such imports as bags, snacks, sewing machines, illuminating oil and common soap. Nor has any increase been made in the case of staves, barrels and puncheons since any advance of duties on such imports would have the effect of an additional tax on exports."
The other measure involved the reduction of import duties on motor vehicles but the adoption of higher rates of licensing fees for those vehicles. The Governor explained the rationale. "The policy implied is a sound one, in as much as it is clearly more logical to encourage the importation of motor vehicles by reducing the duty thereon and at the same time to increase the license fees to a scale compatible with the actual wear and tear which they inflict upon local roads."5
The Legislative Council was to have continued its sitting on Monday, October 21 in order to bring the measures into law. On the intervening weekend, rumours abounded about the possible effects of the legislative measures. It would appear, too, that there were actually increases in the prices of some goods. The word must have spread on Saturday 19th the day on which the peasants and labourers brought their goods to the market. On Monday 21st when the Legislative Council reconvened to complete passage of the bills, among the sparse crowd in the Hall was George McIntosh. McIntosh was a pharmacist and officer of the Representative Government Association. According to Rupert John, for a long time he "had stood out as the champion of the cause of the poorer classes. He had developed a deep interest in their condition ever since the days when he studied pharmacy at the Colonial Hospital. His own mother was one of the underprivileged. For years his drug store was a sort of haven for the poor and wretched."6
At about 11:30 a.m. that Monday, noises from the Court Yard drew the attention of members of Council and others as they sat on the top floor of the Court House. McIntosh left the Legislative Chambers and got on to his bicycle when an angry crowd that seemed determined to confront the Governor met him. McIntosh was reported to have urged them not to go to the Governor-in-Chief with any noise but with a letter. He rode back to his Drug Store and in collaboration with Mr A.C. DeBique, also a member of the Representative Government Association, addressed a letter to the Governor. A section of the crowd that had gathered at the Court House, followed McIntosh to his store. He urged them to restrain themselves while he spoke to the Governor. The letter that was sent to the Governor at about 12:15 p.m. requested an interview with him in order to represent concerns of the people. The governor's verbal reply was that he was prepared to meet him with any delegation at the Carnegie Library at 5:00 p.m.7
The crowds had increased in numbers at the Court Yard, and the noise grew. Earlier some 15 women were seen with small sticks, but the crowd reached an estimated 300, the majority of them being men, some of whom had stones, sledge hammers, cutlasses and knives. Included among them too were persons who had gone there out of curiosity. As the noise became more pronounced in the Legislative Council Chambers, the Governor took leave to go down stairs to disperse the crowd. The Minutes of the Legislative Council of October 18th reported that at 12:40 p.m. "a boisterous crowd of people thronged into the grounds of the Court House, and as it was impossible to continue the meeting owing to the noise, was adjourned sine die."
Before his arrival downstairs, when the news of his response to McIntosh was communicated, the crowd grew angry, expressing the view that the Governor was trying to fool them since they expected him to go back to his base in Grenada before then. At that point the crowds forced back the gate from the police who were trying to close it, and rushed into the yard of the Court House.8 Accompanied by his A.D.C. and official and unofficial members of the Council, the Governor attempted to speak to an agitated crowd that was expressing "a certain amount of foul language and a great deal of insensate yelling of 'We can't stand any more duties on our food and clothes;' 'We want work;' 'We are hungry;' 'Something will happen in this town today if we are not satisfied.'" The Governor could not be heard except for a brief time after McIntosh rang a bell. He tried to explain that the additional duties were put only on commodities used by the wealthy. He tried to impress on them that if there was genuine unemployment work would be provided on the Windward Highway. He noted, too, that a Land Settlement Scheme was at that time being considered by the Colonial Office. As the noise continued, he indicated that he was going into the Court House and urged that representatives join him. According to the Times newspaper, "Sticks and other weapons were brandished over the heads of the Governor and Administrator as they, with diplomatic tact, tried to mitigate the high feelings of the mob." The Governor had nevertheless continued to give his explanation.9
Despite police reinforcement the crowd could not be controlled and matters got out of hand. The Attorney General was hit by a gentleman who alleged that he was kicked. A three-man reinforcement team from the neighbouring police barracks was beaten, one man being thrown into a gutter and another struck to the ground. Part of the crowd had during that time turned its anger on the prisons that were located next to the Court House/Legislative Chamber. This was prompted by the timely or untimely arrival of a gang of prisoners who were on their way back to the prison with a load of stones and a sledge-hammer. The sledge-hammer was seized and the warders and prisoners driven off. An estimated one hundred members of the crowd broke into the prison and destroyed whatever they were able to lay their hands on.10
Following the destruction at the prison things got completely out of control at the yard of the Court House. Doors and windows of the Court House were smashed, along with cars belonging to members of the Legislative Council. Among the cars attacked was that of the governor, which carried the official flag. Mr Fred Hazell, a prominent merchant and Lieutenant in the Volunteer force, was attacked and received two cuts in his bid to silence the crowd. He was only saved from more serious damage by the fact that some members of the crowd recognized him. He had to be taken to the hospital for medical treatment. A large section of the crowd then moved across the road to the business places of Mr Fred Corea, who was also a member of the Legislative Council. The crowd was of the view that he was one of the architects of the measures introduced into the Legislature, hence the fury with which they attacked his premises. Looting took place with boxes of merchandise being passed away from the scene of the disturbance. This was being done while the police were firing shots into the air, later into the tops of doors and windows of the soft goods store and then finally into the crowd, which resulted in the death of one man and injury to others, 14 of whom were hospitalized. Two of them died a few days later. Earlier the Cable House was attacked and wires cut so that the Governor's A.D.C and manager of the Cable House had to go to a Cable hut at Arnos Vale some three miles away in order to send a telegram to Grenada requesting the services of the H.M.S. Challenger.
Later when the crowd had dispersed from the area of the Corea's stores and from the Court House where some had continued to congregate Kingstown became quiet, but the disturbances spread to the suburban areas where according to the Times newspaper, "homes of the wealthy were attacked and they were treated with the utmost scorn and contempt."11 Crowds of 20 to 30 strong, with cutlasses and sticks, roamed the areas of Cane Garden and North River Road. Two members of the crowd, suffered gun shot wounds and one policeman had to seek medical attention for a cut received.12
The Governor fulfilled his appointment at the Carnegie Library at 5:00 p.m. He was accompanied by Mr George McIntosh and was able to address the crowd from the gallery of the library building, where he repeated some of what he attempted to say earlier. The crowd continued its cry of lack of employment and raised the matter of low wages. Administrator Grimble pointed out that there was no reference to the Customs Tariff that sparked the trouble, but that there was a preoccupation with unemployment. The Governor trying to speak above the noise continued to indicate that if there was genuine unemployment work would be found on the Windward road; that taxes levied were on goods used by the wealthy and that there was no justification for price increases. He had, he stated later, no reason to believe that the persons who turned up to listen to him had participated in the riots.13
The situation was calm when a landing party from the H.M.S. Challenger patrolled around town at midnight before taking up positions at the barracks and freeing some of the police and volunteers to venture out of Kingstown. News had been received at about 1:00 a.m. of disturbances in Georgetown in the north eastern part of the island. A party of volunteers was therefore dispatched to that area particularly since there was no telephone communication because of cut lines. Kingstown was the main focus of the rioting but large disturbances occurred in the Byrea-Georgetown area on the windward coast and Campden Park-Questelles area on the leeward coast
Georgetown was undisturbed until 6:30 p.m. when news of the activities in Kingstown reached them through buses traveling back to the area. Crowds began to congregate leading the Corporal in charge of the Georgetown Police Station to read the riot act and warn those who were assembling about the consequences of gathering in crowds. At the Grand Sable estate on the border of the town of Georgetown, estate manager Mr Frank Child was hit and wounded. The District Medical Officer had been prevented for quite a long time from getting to him in order to render necessary medical assistance. Crowds had gathered around the Mt Bentinck estate and shop and moved reluctantly only when challenged by the police constable and his rural assistant. Large crowds however roamed the streets of Georgetown and smashed shops, and damaged the police station and post office. These disturbances were stopped around 8:30 p.m. but flared up again at about 10 p.m. when groups from the Byrea and Grand Sable areas arrived and continued the rampage. Calm was shortly after restored, thanks to the approaches taken by the two officers stationed at Georgetown.14
The patrol sent to Georgetown stopped at various places on the way to enquire about any possible disturbances. At Biabou they were informed that there had been a "slight excitement in the afternoon", but every thing was back to normal. At the Sans Souci Gap where telephone lines were thrown across the street the patrol party awoke the manager of the Sans Souci estate who was unaware that the lines to the estate house had been cut. When they arrived at Colonaire at 3:30 a.m. they were told that there was some disturbance at Park Hill where 2 persons were arrested but the situation had once again become quiet. At Byrea telephone lines were thrown across the road and numerous other obstacles had to be cleared before they reached Georgetown. They stopped at Mr Frank Child the manager of the Grand Sable estate who had only recently received medical assistance for the cut that he had received earlier in the evening. After reporting at the Georgetown police station they journeyed to estates in the area. The manager of the Mt Bentinck estate declared that "there was no serious disorder", but the crowd which had assembled for work at 6:30 a.m. was described as wearing "an ugly face." After being told that they had either to go to their work or their homes they dispersed. A large crowd also gathered at the Mt Bentinck shop, and dispersed only after being reminded that the Riot Act had been read. The patrol with fixed bayonets marched through the town to the Police station hoping to impress the crowds with their seriousness. On their way back to Kingstown angry crowds, armed with sticks, cutlasses and stones, confronted them at Byrea. One man was shot in his leg and another arrested before the crowd dispersed. But they were shortly after attacked by persons throwing stones from a neighbouring hill, the bus in the process being slightly damaged. The rest of the journey went peacefully and the patrol was able to report back to Police Headquarters at 11:00 a.m.15
Early on the morning of Tuesday, May 22, reports reached of rioting in Campden Park. The disturbances actually started the previous evening with crowds stoning the shop and home of Mr John Da Souza, a Portugese merchant. A member of the Volunteer force who was a friend of Mr Da. Souza had sent to borrow a box of gun shots from him. Word about this got around and crowds encroached on his house arguing that he had sent shots to Kingstown to kill black people. When the patrol journeyed to Campden Park on the Tuesday morning it met telephone poles and wires thrown in the road. At Da Souza's shop, they were pelted with stones. Most of the crowd had however moved to the Questelles area followed by the patrol party. Shots were fired as the crowd responded with stones. One man was killed and four wounded before the stoning stopped. On their way back they had to clear more telephone wires from the street and to deal with further obstructions at Lowmans.16 They returned to Headquarters at 12:30 p.m.
A State of Emergency was declared on the morning of October 22. Police guards were placed at selected areas and attention was focused on arresting persons who had participated in the rioting. Three civilians were killed, three died in hospital and twenty civilians and members of the local forces injured.
It is not the intention of this paper to delve into any detail on the causes of the riots. It accepts as a fact that the underlying causes were similar to those in other Caribbean territories that suffered disturbances during this period. It argues, however, that they were played out on a different economic turf. The prevailing racial divide had broadened and there was greater racial consciousness because of the Italian invasion of Abyssinia. Meetings were held in different parts of the country highlighting the attack on an African country with which the Afro-Vincentian populace identified. Although the riots were spontaneous, with no organized leadership, once they had started one of the leaders who emerged was a grassroots man, Samuel 'Sheriff' Lewis. Two of the key figures associated with the riots were involved in these protests meetings. George McIntosh who had been one of the speakers, and Samuel 'Sheriff' Lewis who had on a call by speakers and organizers to enlist and fight for their black bretheren in Ethiopia, offered his services, gaining in the process the nickname 'Haile Selassie'. So prominent had been the news of events in Ethiopia and concern for the black people there that a local drink served at the bars was named 'Haile Selassie'.17
The week prior to the riots Albert Marryshow of Grenada had addressed a packed audience in Kingstown on developments in the Italian-Abyssinian war. He felt that it was the duty of West Indians to render assistance in every way possible,18 a speech which the Governor considered provocative. The newspapers and Cable Board carried reports on the war and it was a topic of discussion throughout the country. One indication of the sensitivity of the times occurred at one of the country's primary schools after the riots, but reflects the kind of atmosphere that existed. "A rumour had circulated to the effect that an Italian doctor was going to be visiting schools, handing out poisoned sweets and injecting children, causing immediate death. Parents were alarmed and urged their children to quit school if a strange face appeared. At a school in Kingstown, the capital, a relative of the headmaster appeared. The school plunged into chaos, as children jumped through doors and windows and parents appeared rapidly on the scene. This had an effect on other schools as teachers tried desperately to control the situation..."19
The formal political structure reflected the race and class arrangements of the society. On this, discussion about the Abyssinian war was imposed. The members of the Legislature were from a small elite that was able to meet the income and land qualifications. The governor, the head of administration was based in Grenada and made short periodic visits to the countries under his domain. When members of the crowd assembled in the yard of the building that housed the Legislature and Magistrate Court and were informed that the Governor would see Mr McIntosh and a delegation at 5:00 p.m. at the Carnegie Library, they became more agitated. They believed that the Governor would have returned to Grenada that afternoon and would not have kept his appointment. Mr Donald Romeo who was arrested for participation in the riots and who gave evidence at the preliminary trial in the case against McIntosh revealed the thinking of the working people. He was asked if he attended meetings of the Legislative Council. His response was No! He couldn't. He went on to state, "When the Governor comes here people who have grievances would like to see him. People of my type have obstacles put in the way. My class is too poor. We can't see him. I hear the people say so many times. Many people have tried to see the Governor. Many people do ask and they are not allowed to see the Governor."20
In one of his reactions to the uprisings of October 21 Governor Grier lamented what he considered a disturbing thought "that not one member of this council on either side of this table (and I include myself) had pre-knowledge of any unrest at all..."21 His statement points to the matter of spontaneity. The Governor was facing certain stark realities. As he put it, "I must assume therefore that there is a section of the community which is not represented here. I can not help feeling that it would be of great advantage to the Administration if men could be found to represent it, preferably among the workers themselves..."22 That letter in itself reflected the state of nonchalance that had prevailed. In a letter to the Secretary of State, the Honourable Malcolm McDonald, he reiterated his surprise that such a sudden outbreak would have taken place without the Government, Police and the majority of people knowing anything about it. He did admit that there was a lack of contact between the Administrator and a section of the community, but argued that the Administrator can find little time "for establishing a close personal contact with all sections of the people and he has no one to represent him." In Grenada, at least the Colonial Secretary does such work.23
Unlike other Caribbean countries there were no organizations catering to the interests of the workers, not even quasi-unions. The Representative Government Association that was formed in 1919 was a largely middle class organization that had in its ranks middle class professionals and representatives of the merchant and planting class. There were different perceptions of the political situation among them, and a diversity of ideological views, that surfaced at the 1935 riots and led to the collapse of the association. Because of his cordial relations with the working people who regularly patronized his business, the crowd had called on George McIntosh to make representation to the governor on their behalf. The association, in fact, collapsed when following the riots McIntosh sought to channel the peoples energies into a working class organization, the St Vincent Workingmen's Association. But before then there had been some ambivalence on the part of members of the Representative Government Association and this even included McIntosh. They expressed critical comments about the actions of the working people and even volunteered their services in an effort to quash the riots. McIntosh had moved a motion at a meeting of the Kingstown Board expressing confidence in the Government and pledging their support.24
Although there were disturbances on two estates, there were no strikes, contrary to what the Governor said. There is no evidence of a strike. One of the policemen on duty in Georgetown informed the author that there were no disturbances in the Georgetown area prior to the Monday afternoon when news reached of trouble in Kingstown. The only work stoppage was on the Grand Sable estate and came after the Manager who was struck on that Monday afternoon, decided to close off work the next day.25 On the Mount Bentinck estate where the only sugar factory was located, crowds gathered on the Monday evening and early Tuesday morning as they assembled for work. These did not translate into any disturbances on that estate as the crowd dispersed after having been informed that the Riot Act was read. When the Police patrol sent from Kingstown enquired about the situation at that estate, the Manager indicated that there was no trouble. Under the circumstances anything that might have happened on those estates earlier in the day was sure to have been of no significance.
With the exception of the attack on Mr Child at the Grand Sable estate and the sour and angry expressions on the faces of the workers on both estates, no attacks were made on estates. In the Georgetown-Byrea area crowds cut telephone lines, threw telephone poles in the street, attacked some shops, and damaged the police station and post office as they took control of the streets. The riots started when the introduction of the Ordinances that prompted an increase in the price of matches demonstrated to the populace the insensitivity of those who made legislation in the country. The times were difficult ones as St Vincent like other Caribbean countries suffered the impact of the world wide depression. Working people would not have been at the meeting of the Legislative Council on October 18 when the Governor attempted to rationalize the introduction of the revenue bearing measures. What they heard or perhaps knew was that there was an increase in the price of one of their basic commodities, matches. This signaled, they believed, the introduction of other price increases. The Governor's rationale was unlikely to have found favour with them. His argument, with regard to the Licensing Amendment Act, was that there was some logic to reducing the import duties on motor cars, while increasing licenses.
In that kind of atmosphere the failure to implement a minimum wage that had already been agreed on, would have assumed some importance. It would have demonstrated and strengthened their view about the insensitivity of those who controlled the reins of power. What became clear to those who took to the streets was that the privileged ones who sat in the Legislative council were using those chambers to pass legislation for their own benefit and to oppress people of their class. The attacks on the store of Mr Corea, merchant, planter and member of the Legislature arose out of this conception.
There was strong sentiment about what were considered the failings of the Administration. The newspapers had for some months prior to the October riots been carrying hard hitting articles calling for the removal of the Administrator, Arthur Grimble. They attacked his failure to deal with the major problems in the country and his political insensitivity. Much was expected from Governor Grier and there was a call for him to pay more frequent visits to the country. It meant, therefore, that once the belief prevailed that the Governor was returning to Grenada, the crowd would have become extremely angry not expecting any redress from Administrator Grimble.
St Vincent was forced into a new economic dispensation from 1899, the date of the establishment of the Government sponsored Land Settlement Scheme, a recommendation of the West Indian Royal Commission. It was the first of the British Caribbean colonies to have done so. The 1898 hurricane, perhaps the severest to have hit the country, dealt the final blow to a tottering sugar industry. Fear of revolt by the Vincentian masses who were suffering from the serious economic crisis left the authorities with one option, the establishment of a Land Settlement Scheme. The report of the West Indian Royal Commission of 1897 gave a gloomy and pessimistic view of the future of sugar and recommended the establishment of the labouring population of the Caribbean as small farmers. But even in this St Vincent was singled out as a special case. The report stated, "it seems to us that whether the sugar industry is maintained or disappears, it is absolutely essential in the interest of the native population that the settlement on the land should be facilitated; in no other way does it seem to us to be possible to maintain even the most moderate degree of prosperity in St Vincent."26
The 1898 hurricane made it a matter of priority and then the 1902 volcanic eruption served to take it further. Estates were acquired in the Leeward parishes of St Patrick and St David, Richmond Hill in St Georges and New Adelphi and Park Hill in the Charlotte parish. Following the initial acquisition of land and the establishment of the scheme, accommodation had to be made in 1902 for refugees from the volcanic eruption. By 1910 the scheme had been extended to Union Island in the Grenadines. The total acreage acquired by then was 7,060 acres. The purchase of the Belair estate in 1912 was the last such scheme until the establishment of the Three Rivers Scheme in 1932. Despite the absence of land settlement schemes during that period, workers had been able to acquire land by rent or purchase through the Crown Lands Scheme. The Crown Lands Scheme had long been in existence having started in 1891. A system of renting Crown Lands was introduced in 1901/2.27
With the virtual collapse of the Sugar industry two crops were found to replace it, Sea Island cotton that was introduced in 1903 and arrowroot that had been traditionally produced by peasants. These two crops were ones for which the country was "highly regarded internationally," having a virtual monopoly in the case of arrowroot that had been exported from St Vincent since 1830.28 It had been cultivated even earlier and used as a food for infants.29 Arrowroot and Sea Island cotton also happened to be crops easily produced on the marginal lands occupied by peasants. When the West Indian Sugar Commission came to the Caribbean in 1930 St Vincent was not on its schedule, but a visit was eventually made only because of two applications for equipment and a factory for sugar. In 1928 sugar exports were only 9 percent of total domestic exports.30 In 1935 the Mt Bentinck sugar factory in Georgetown was the only one in existence.
The Commission reported favourably on the economic situation in St Vincent that it attributed to its success in diversifying away from sugar. From 1903 to 1935 arrowroot and Sea Island cotton were the major export crops of the country. What was significant was that these were crops easily planted by peasants. In 1935, peasants produced 56 percent of the Sea Island cotton and 25 percent of the Arrowroot crops. But even this is to underestimate the situation where arrowroot was concerned, since planters retained a portion as payment for processing, this accounting for as much as 25 percent. In some cases they sold their total crop to the estates to get immediate payment. The planters, too, gave preference to their own crop thus delaying that of the peasants to a time when the starch content was much reduced.31 In 1935 there was low production of cotton, a result of the reduced acreage planted. This was partly because of the impact of the world depression, also because of the diversity of crops produced by the peasants who were able to switch crops depending on market forces. In 1935 the arrowroot prices were high forcing them to switch from cotton to arrowroot.32 Sea Island cotton was, according to the Times newspaper, "an essential part of the economics of this country." Lint was exported and cotton- seed oil and meal widely used. Loss of the industry would therefore hit the colony very hard.33 Additionally, peasants planted what were referred to as minor crops, some of which they sold, along with livestock, in the Barbados and Trinidad markets.
The 1938/39 West Indian Royal commission noted, too, that, "St Vincent is comparatively fortunate among the smaller islands in that it possesses two important crops both of which enjoy at present a good market - arrowroot starch of the finest quality of which St Vincent enjoys a practical monopoly, and Sea Island Cotton, an extremely high quality product in fairly good demand for certain specified purposes. A moderately satisfactory proportion of both of these crops is grown by peasants proprietors."34 It noted too that peasant agriculture was already extensive and referred to the fact that some peasants rented land, some shared land, some bought from estates or under land settlement schemes.35
The Land Settlement scheme was a major factor in this since a large proportion of the peasant produce was derived from the land settlement schemes. In an editorial in its May 1, 1930 issue under the caption "Necessity for Expanding Peasant Industry" reference was made to Lord Oliver's comment that St Vincent's fortunate position was due to the development of crops other than sugar cane and the land settlement schemes. Mr G.A. Jones of the West Indian Committee, too, had high praise in 1930 for the Land Settlement scheme. He felt that the settlers had a real stake in the country and were developing into most useful citizens.36
There seemed to have been a general agreement of the positive effects of land settlement on the economy of the island and in the view of the Vincentian of July 6, 1935, because of the prospect Sea Island cotton offers. It argued that the scheme "would greatly assist in averting the perilous approach to the rocks," and was seen as a solution to the country's economic problems. In fact, following the riots of 1935 there was much talk of extending the land settlement schemes. The 1931 Land Settlement Committee spoke of the benefits of land settlement and identified estates for purchase. The Three Rivers estate was acquired in 1932, and made ready for purchase to allottees in 1933. With this apparent new phase of land settlement, expectations were that others would follow. The Administrator in fact, in July, 1935 explained the delay in pushing ahead with other schemes by the need to watch the financial progress of that scheme.37 The start of this scheme raised hopes and expectations and created dynamics of its own. A number of petitions demanding that land be made available came from different areas of the country. It is of great significance that in January 1936, in petitioning for lands, 49 residents of Barrouallie reminded the Administrator of the loyalty of Barrouallie during the riots.38
We must not overestimate the extent of land ownership by the peasantry. At a meeting of the Legislative Council on December 15, 1936 while dealing with land settlement the Administrator pointed out that only 30 estates in St Vincent exceeded one hundred acres but that they contained more than half of the privately owned land.39 It was true too as the Royal Commission reported that peasant agriculture was already extensive and produced one-third of the arrowroot, two-fifths of the cotton and all the food crops grown in the island. The peasants were thus greatly involved in the export market, even selling some of their minor crops in the regional market. So the plantation was no longer the main focus of struggle. The availability of land and the potential benefits, especially because of the possibilities of peasant involvement in the country's main export crops, opened up a different channel for struggle. Emphasis was put on preparing and presenting petitions since they recognized some degree of hope through land settlement. The newspapers took up actively the issue of land settlement and acted as an advocate for that cause. With arrowroot and sea island cotton having become the major crops and with a market for their minor products in Barbados and Trinidad, sugar ceased to become the focus of attention. It would have employed workers in Georgetown where the only factory was located. But even in Georgetown the rioters attacked only symbols in the town. The workers at the Mt Bentinck sugar factory were like other persons within the community very dissatisfied with the state of things but did not vent their anger at the estate.
The Chief Justice at the first meeting of the Supreme Court of Judicature following the riots, commented on the event. "He pointed out that the seriousness of the riot lay in the fact that it was directed at the government and the administration of justice and showed an utter disrespect for those persons in authority. Unlike estate riots directed against private individuals such as had recently taken place in St Kitts, the riot in St Vincent was an attack on Government itself and was fomented by agitators for political reasons."40 The Chief Justice was focusing on what happened in Kingstown and obviously shared the Governor's view that there had to be a manipulating hand behind such activities of the working people. The Governor was sent into a state of shock by what had happened and so ranged far and wide searching for reasons for the outbreak, even contradicting himself in the process. He believed that the peasant/labouring class was happy but misled by the work of known criminals stirred on by political agitators.
The Georgetown riot was influenced by what happened in Kingstown, but obviously emerged from the economic hardships, Georgetown having previously been identified as one of those areas reeling under economic hardships, where merchants and shopkeepers complained that "things were very bad" and that "there was little money in circulation."41
One understands the circumstances under which the riot arose in Kingstown and even Campden Park, but why did other areas not react the way of Georgetown? In the North Leeward area in which the town of Barrouallie was located, an area regarded as one of the most depressed in the country, things remained quiet throughout. The Barrouallie people, however, reacted to the riots by presenting a petition for land and reminded the Administrator of their loyalty during the riots. Petitions came from virtually every geographical area of the country. What made a difference in St Vincent was the nature of economic organization, the insignificance of the sugar industry, a plantation based industry from which little was expected, and the fact that the peasant/labouring population was involved significantly in the production of the major exports and minor crops sold in neighbouring countries.
Ken Post, writing about the Jamaican Labour Rebellion of 1938, argued that peasants/ labourers were representatives of the bourgeoisie, and that their consciousness was determined by their small size, ownership and control of property while also taking part, themselves, in manual labour. In his view they carried a contradiction within themselves since they took on the characteristic of both capitalists and workers.42 In the case of St Vincent the peasants/labourers operated on a mini-scale, some more identified as labourers than as peasants and so to suggest that they took on the characteristics of capitalists is debatable given their scale of operation. But at the same time, it has to be admitted that their participation, sometimes significantly, in the production of export crops would have influenced their attitude to the economic crisis. Added to this was the fact that at difficult times for the estates they could concentrate on their plots where they produced a diversity of crops, including minor crops and livestock sold in regional markets.
The St Vincent riots can be described as a labour rebellion to the extent that workers were involved. Their anger was not directed at their places of work, but at an insensitive administration. They grew suspicious of what they believed transpired in the hallowed chambers of the Legislative Council. In analyzing the St Vincent riots we have to pay particular attention to the organization of the economy. Many of the factors that stirred the disturbances in other areas of the Caribbean were present but the dynamics at work led to the riots in turn being played out differently. A re-examination of the St Vincent riots is not to suggest that they are out of place in any discussion of the labour rebellions of 1935 but to focus on the need for a broader framework within which to interpret them.
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© Adrian Fraser, 2003.
HTML last revised 24th December, 2003.
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